In this article, Professor Motomori Eriko explores the evolution of this relatively recent social phenomenon and explains how Kitakyushu City’s Coming-of-Age Day is something a bit different to the rest of Japan. Quotes on personal experiences have been sourced and added by Japan House London.
What is Coming-of-Age Day?
Every year on the second Monday of January, municipalities across Japan hold ceremonies to celebrate young people reaching adulthood. On ‘Coming-of-Age Day’, a designated national holiday, the media often reports on the young people, all turning 20 within that academic year, who gather for these ‘coming-of-age ceremonies’. What particularly catches the eye is the sight of women dressed in furisode (the long-sleeved formal kimono for unmarried women) and while most men wear suits, there are some regions where you can also see groups of men in colourful haori–hakama (a formal kimono ensemble for men which ordinarily is black).
Although the day’s activities vary according to municipality, typically there are congratulatory speeches made by the local mayor and guests, and oaths taken by representatives of the young people themselves. Certain regions of Japan have their own twist on coming-of-age ceremonies, such as Urayasu, Chiba Prefecture, which holds the event at Tokyo Disneyland. Another example is Kitakyushu City in Fukuoka Prefecture, which is famous for its unique culture of bold outfits and elaborate hairstyles.
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Origins and evolution of coming-of-age ceremonies and attire
Today’s coming-of-age ceremonies are not a direct extension of pre-modern rites of passage. The modern ceremony was in fact established after the Act on National Holidays designated ‘Coming-of-Age Day’ (Seijin no hi) a holiday in 1948, but the origins can be traced back to a coming-of-age ceremony held in Warabi Town, Saitama Prefecture in 1946 and an education course for new adults in Morotsuka Village, Miyazaki Prefecture in 1947. The underlying purpose of these two events was to celebrate a milestone in life, in place of the pre-war conscription, and to educate working young people who had left school early.
From around 1960, as the ceremony became more established, its original purpose began to fade. It came to be framed as a rite of passage based on a ‘universal’ stage of development, positioning university students and those who were working equally as 20-year-olds, even though most university students, in fact, chose not to attend. It was also around this time that it became common for women to wear furisode. As people no longer wore kimono on a daily basis, kimono shops began selling expensive formal attire for such occasions, and kimono dressing schools emphasized the ‘correct’ way of wearing them.
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Yamada Mitsuko from Tokorzawa, Saitama Prefecture, turned 20 in 1971:
I was supposed to wear furisode but it was raining on the day so I ended up wearing a dress. I attended the ceremony because everyone else was going. I didn’t think of the coming-of-age ceremony as an important juncture in my life.
By the mid-1970s, it had become the norm to enter the workforce and get married after graduating from high school or university. As the point of turning 20 didn’t coincide with any natural break in the school system, it was regarded as merely a formality and its meaning faded. While the purpose of coming-of-age ceremonies became increasingly vague, the furisode that people wore became more luxurious and expensive. In an effort to boost attendance rates at ceremonies, municipalities began promoting extravagant venues and commemorative gifts.
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Following the collapse of the bubble economy in 1991, the kimono market shrank, leading to a rise in popularity of mama-furi (wearing a furisode inherited from one’s mother) and affordable rentals made from synthetic fibres. Meanwhile, a decline in manners among new adults became a cause for concern. In 2001, so-called ‘unruly coming-of-age ceremonies’ drew public attention when rebellious new adults dressed in haori-hakama disrupted proceedings.
Lowering the age of adulthood and recent coming-of-age ceremonies
Since the 2010s, with growing awareness of economic and educational disparities among young people, the ceremony has evolved. Previously an occasion for imparting the principles of adulthood, it has become an opportunity for local authorities to promote so-called ‘U-turn employment’ (returning to one’s hometown to work) and publicize local support initiatives.
Akahori Shino turned 20 in 2013 and took part in her coming-of-age ceremony in her hometown of Tokushima:
At the time, I was living on my own several hours away from my hometown, so the ceremony was a wonderful opportunity to return home and reconnect with old friends.
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Although the legal age of adulthood under the Civil Code was lowered from 20 to 18 in 2022, almost all municipalities continue to hold ceremonies targeting 20-year-olds, taking into account the potential impact on things like university entrance exams for 18-year-olds. By 2024, more than 85% of young people were progressing to tertiary education, and turning 20 has come to be less of a marker of adulthood and more of a point along a longer road toward independence.
For today’s young people, the coming-of-age ceremony is viewed more as an opportunity to transform themselves through extraordinary attire and to reunite with classmates from elementary and junior high school, than it is an official mark of autonomy. Due to the popularity of kimono rentals, it is now necessary to reserve one’s outfit more than a year in advance, and some people even hire several kimono. In the last few years, having a pre-ceremony photoshoot (maedori) in one’s outfit has become increasingly common, and some packages offer the option of having photos in both their chosen outfit and their mother’s furisode.
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Akahori Shino:
I wore my mother’s furisode, which had originally been prepared for her by my grandmother. To make it my own, I added new hair accessories and a fur stole. At the time, I felt the design was a little old-fashioned and was somewhat envious of my friends’ more fashionable and trendy furisode. However, seeing how happy my mother was that I chose to wear it made me feel much better about it. Looking back now, I realize how special it was to wear a family heirloom, and I appreciate its significance and cherish the opportunity to wear much more than I did at the time.
Attendance at the ceremony is optional, but according to recent surveys, the attendance rate is estimated to be between 60% and 80%, which is higher than it was in the past. It is common for young people who have moved away from their hometowns to return to participate, and reunions are often organized on the day of the ceremony. It is also becoming increasingly common for new adults to present their parents with messages of thanks or gifts, either on the day itself or around the same time.
Kitakyushu’s coming-of-age ceremony: from criticism to praise
In recent years, the coming-of-age ceremony in Kitakyushu has become a seasonal media feature. Reports feature young people in styles quite distinct from so-called ‘correct’ Japanese formalwear – including colourful and flamboyant haori-hakama ensembles, furisode with bold designs and obi combinations and hairstyles associated with rebellion such as the ‘regent’ (a high, protruding quiff).
After a unified citywide ceremony was launched at Kitakyushu’s Space World in 1998, the first in the country to be held in a theme park, competition over outfits escalated. The fact that young people from five different wards were gathering together in a single location helped to fuel a sense of rivalry among them. In 2003, two young men ordered gold and silver haori-hakama ensembles at a local formalwear rental shop, prompting a rebellious evolution that set Kitakyushu’s ceremony style apart from those of other cities in Japan.
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Initially, there was widespread criticism of intimidating appearances and behaviour but the city successfully established order through thorough security and guidance on etiquette. From around 2020, the event began to be recognized by overseas media for its unique cultural and artistic value, and the city also came to utilize it as a tool for tourism.
Tanmoto Konoha, participated in Kitakyushu’s 2026 coming-of-age ceremony:
For me, the coming-of-age ceremony marks becoming an adult, and it is the last day I can have fun as a child. I chose a furisode in my favourite colour and had pink fur added to the sleeves. I picked hair ornaments to match the kimono, and added dolls of my favourite characters and a tiara. I got ready hoping to stand out more than anyone else, and I think I did.
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In recent years, public narratives have increasingly reframed those who attend the ceremony wearing extravagant and flamboyant outfits as diligent working 20-year-olds – now a minority among new adults – working hard and saving up over months and even years to pay for this once-in-a-lifetime experience. Taking this into consideration, the media now reports positively on the city’s celebrations, referring to them as a ‘new tradition’.
Visit Tradition/Rebellion: Coming-of-Age Style in Kitakyushu, Japan at Japan House London from 11 November 2026 to 18 April 2027 and hear from eight new adults, each of whom chose a different style through which to celebrate their transition into adulthood.
About the writer
Motomori Eriko (born 1977) is a professor in the Department of Sociology at Meiji Gakuin University. Her research focuses on the historical sociology of childhood and transition to adulthood in Japan. Her publications include Exploring Discourses on Childhood: A Sociological Introduction (Yuhikaku, 2025, in Japanese). She co-edited Doing Sociology on Coming-of-Age Ceremonies (Yuhikaku, 2024, in Japanese) with Tong-hyon Han, and explored the history of coming-of-age ceremonies in relation to social conceptions of youth and adulthood.